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In Prison, in Pictures

Ask Michal Chelbin what surprised her the most when entering Ukrainian and Russian prisons and she’ll tell you it was the wallpaper. Those walls, coated with blooming flowers, ocean views and grassy meadows, were the inspiration behind the name of her latest series, “Sailboats and Swans.” Over four years, the Israeli photographer shot portraits of the residents of seven prisons, sitting at times several hours with one subject. A monograph published by Twin Palms earlier this year features 62 of her images, all taken with Chelbin’s signature Hasselblad 503. At times inscrutable, always honest, the portraits immediately make you question the rather faceless word inmate: here, what you see is a person first—and that person is looking straight at you. With a body of work that explores contrast in all its shapes—the old and the new, the innocent and the perverse, the familiar and the strange—Chelbin often finds her characters and stories in the depths of Ukraine and Russia. She joined me for a Skype interview from a small Israeli village between Haifa and Tel Aviv.

Roads & Kingdoms: How did “Sailboats and Swans” come about?

Michal Chelbin: It started when I was traveling in Ukraine for a different project several years ago—a monograph entitled “The Black Eye,” which was a series of portraits of wrestlers. We passed along a prison wall, and when I realized it was a prison, I wanted to get inside. Everyone said it would be impossible but I started making some inquiries and eventually got access.

Inside it’s still a boy’s prison, which is really hell on earth.

R&K: Can you tell me more about your relationship with Ukraine? When did you go for the first time and what attracts you to the country?

MC: It’s not just Ukraine, it’s Russia as well. It started in the late 90s when I was still a student and all my models were people who came to Israel in the big immigration waves from the former USSR. So the natural thing was to travel there. I went to Russia in 2003, and since then visited Russia and Ukraine several times. What I like about these countries is the mix between old and new, between the modern, the sophisticated and the classical, the rundown. The faces are great, and the light, and the backgrounds… It’s just a great setup for me.

R&K: Yes I had the same visual experience when traveling to Ukraine to find my grandfather’s birthplace…

MC: My father was born in Ukraine during World War 2, in a small town close to Rovno. Back then it was still Poland. Him and my grandfather fled west during the war.

R&K: So we’re almost connected! But back to the prisoners: describe the process in getting access. How easy was it to actually get inside and meet these people?

MC: It was very difficult to get access, and please understand if I cannot elaborate on this issue. Once inside, they usually assigned an officer to us, and spent the first few hours walking around, scouting and casting. And then we started to shoot. We were able to approach almost everyone we found interesting.

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Yana, Sentenced for Theft, Juvenile Prison for Girls, Ukraine 2009Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Young Prisoners, Juvenile Prison for Boys, Russia 2009Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Personal Belongings, Juvenile Prison for Boys, Ukraine 2010Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Lena and katya, Juvenile Prison for Girls, Ukraine 2009Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Stas, Sentenced for Murder, Juvenile Prison for Boys, Russia 2009 Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Nadia, Sentenced for Narcotics , Women's Prison, Ukraine 2010 Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Yana, Sentenced for Theft, Juvenile Prison for Girls, Ukraine 2009Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Metal Workshop, Juvenile Prison for Boys, Ukraine 2010Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Vania, Sentenced for Murder , Men's prison, Ukraine 2010Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE
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Lena , sentenced for organizing a rape , Juvenile Prison for Girls, Ukraine 2009Photo by: Michal Chelbin / INSTITUTE

R&K: What about the actual photography? How long did you think about each pose? How much did you interact with each subject during the portraits?

MC: Some portraits took one hour, some three, depending on the sitter. I had a translator with me but usually on the set I didn’t use her and managed with my limited Russian. I never asked them about their crime before the shoot, only when the session ended. That way I didn’t think I was shooting a rapist or a killer. It’s a person. After the session ended, we talked using the translator about where they were from, their crime, their families…

R&K: What were the conditions like in these prisons? What surprised you when you entered the buildings?

MC: Everything is very basic. What surprised me was the wallpaper and the aesthetics. It’s not just cement. You sit in a boy’s prison situated in an old monastery, the building is beautiful, the wallpaper is surreal… But inside it’s still a boy’s prison, which is really hell on earth. It’s teenagers locked together, fear in their eyes. Some become sex slaves for others. It’s terrible. I could sense they were constantly on the watch. Some kids can spend three years there for stealing a cellphone. This is something that I felt when shooting this series: anyone can end up in a prison. It’s life circumstances.

R&K: How long did it take you to complete the series and how many photographs are in it?

MC: It took about four years, going to seven different prisons in Russia and Ukraine. In the book there are 62 images. It is a continuation from my body of work with the same aesthetics, the same visual language I typically use… The themes also. I usually focus on visual contrasts and things that seemingly don’t mix. In the prison work, there’s the contrast between the prisoners and the background for example… There’s also the desire for fame, the desire to be heard. Before they are prisoners, they are human beings.

R&K: How did you start your career in photography?

MC: I started when I was 15, in the photo department of my high school. Then I did my military service in Israel as a photographer. After, I worked as a news photographer but I was fired because I was always late. I went to the Academy for the Arts and started to work on my own personal projects. I also shoot commercial work and editorial assignments for magazines like the New Yorker and the New York Times. Recently, I started shooting video installations. At the moment I’m working on a project about teenagers in Ukraine, but I don’t want say more… Once I get an idea, I go and shoot. I don’t believe in talking about it too much.

You can buy “Sailboats and Swans” from Twin Palms

The Uninvited Fellow Traveller

“Zimmer frei,” read the hand-painted sign in front of the tidy modern house at the edge of Altenbrak, in the Harz Mountains of central Germany. I’d just emerged from an overgrown trail, having hiked twelve miles from the town of Thale, and the sun was starting to set behind the wooded hills. I recalled the old legends about the Harz—that witches fly around the peak of the 3,747-foot Brocken, and that a creature called the Brocken Spectre roams the misty forests—and in the growing dark they seemed all too plausible. I needed a place to stay. And right there was the zimmer frei, the institution I’d been counting on. Throughout touristed zones of rural Germany, I knew, homeowners with rooms to rent would put up such signs—“room available,” they say—to lure in wanderers such as myself, desperate for a bed but unwilling to pay the thirty euros or more for a pension or a proper hotel. And as the Frugal Traveler for the New York Times, saving money was my raison d’être.

I walked up to the front door, set down my backpack, and rang the doorbell. Nothing. Some lights were on inside, I could see, so I rang again. And again. Finally, a woman opened the door. She was older, large-ish, and thoroughly confused to see me.

After twelve miles that day, what was another five hundred meters?

Zimmer… frei?” I asked.

Her expression changed to one of understanding. “Nein,” she said in a neutral tone, and closed the door.

Fine, fine. I hoisted my twenty-five-pound bag and walked deeper into town. After twelve miles that day, what was another five hundred meters? If I couldn’t keep my energy up at the end of a trek, I’d never get through the forty-odd miles I’d planned for the rest of the week, following in the footsteps of Goethe and Heine to the top of the Brocken. The walk so far had been perfect, starting out on well-trod paths, branching off on old logging roads, passing through tiny villages of dark-wood vacation homes. I loved the solitude, the jaunty pace of my feet on the ground, the slow accretion of mileage. Slowly but surely, I was making progress—and burning off enough calories that I could eat whatever I liked.

And that first night, once I’d checked into the Zum Harzer Jodlermeister pension and restaurant (I bargained them down from forty-five to thirty-five euros), I indulged indeed: schnitzel, noodles in mushroom cream sauce, apple strudel, vanilla ice cream, and a big pilsner. In bed by 10 p.m., I slept like the dead.

For four days, I ate big German breakfasts—rolls and cold cuts and cheeses and butter and jam, hard-boiled eggs, maybe some yogurt, buckets of weak coffee—and set off early in the general direction of the Brocken. I’d tramp for hours, sometimes through small, populated towns, more often through places that were no longer quite as wild as they’d once been. The logging routes led into patches of regrown forest, and more than once I found myself backtracking around lakes and over streams. The way forward was never obvious, and I covered more ground than I should have.

As I popped berry after berry, I remembered childhood summers in Amherst.

Though I never knew exactly where I was going to be, at lunchtime I always managed to pass through a town or village, where I’d pick up a hearty, rustic lunch of bread, cheese, ham, and maybe an apple. Once, at a traditional charcoal-making plant, I got a bottle of schwarzbier, a kind of black lager, and another day, just east of the former East Germany–West Germany border, I happened on Kukki’s Erbsensuppe, a roadside stand selling bowls of thick split-pea soup with bacon that had opened just after reunification. Eating like this was perfect; when food was fuel I didn’t have to think long or hard about what I was devouring, as I would for a story in, say, Paris or San Francisco, but it didn’t hurt that it was all delicious.

Of everything I ate in the mountains, nothing was as gratifying as the wild raspberries and blueberries that grew alongside the paths. Whenever I’d spot the bright red or pale blue fruits, I’d hurry over and quickly strip them from their bushes, shoving great handfuls into my mouth. Each one was like a sharp pinprick of sweet flavor, intense and pure, and as far as I could tell this great buffet stretched across the region. As I popped berry after berry, I remembered childhood summers in Amherst, where my brother, my sister, and I would pluck blackberries from the backyard and sit on the porch consuming them, our fingers and lips stained dark with juice. Free fruit, unplanted by human hands, had always seemed to me one of nature’s greatest gifts, and by my efforts I hoped to become worthy of her generosity.

A few days later, however, when my Harz Mountains story appeared on the New York Times Web site, I found a disturbing notice in the comments section. “I know all those raspberry and blueberry bushes throughout the forest look tempting, but most Germans wouldn’t dare to eat them,” wrote someone named Robyn. “The reason being the fuchsbandwurm a type of parasite that the foxes leave in the forest, contaminating all those lovely, free berries.”

Fuchsbandwurm? I turned to Google and Wikipedia: The “fox tapeworm” (Echinococcus multilocularis) is a parasite carried in the intestines of foxes, and often dogs, in China, Siberia, Alaska, and central and southwestern Germany. The foxes, which eat berries, can contaminate the plants they touch, and when humans contract the disease, it attacks the liver like a cancer. It is, says Wikipedia, “highly lethal.” Treatment is surgery followed by various forms of chemotherapy, but complete cures appear to be rare. Worse, the parasite has a long incubation period—ten or even twenty years—and is difficult to diagnose.

At least with giardia, I came to know my tormentor.

Even now, years after that hike across the Harz, my heart beats faster and my stomach turns as I contemplate what may befall me in another six to sixteen years. Worms may dissolve my liver, and there may be no hope. Of course, Louis Morledge, my travel doctor in New York, tells me not to worry; my liver tests have been fine so far. And I did generally—but not exclusively—eat berries from at least waist height, where foxes’ fur wouldn’t brush. And Klaus Brehm, a fuchsbandwurm specialist at the University of Würzburg, has reportedly said the idea “that one could get the fox tapeworm from berries belongs in the realm of legends.” And my friend Christoph Geissler, another German doctor I met randomly on a shared taxi in Israel, giddily confessed to eating wild berries all the time, everywhere, regardless of the fuchsbandwurm risk. And, and, and…

And yet I feel terror. At least with giardia, I came to know my tormentor, to understand its causes and symptoms and cures, and to make a kind of peace with it. With the fox tapeworm, there can be no such rapprochement. If I have it, I will kill it—or it will kill me. And if the latter comes to pass, I will have no hand to blame but my own. But I hope, in those fucking miserable final moments a couple of decades from now (maybe), the berries—and everything else—will have been worth it.

A Dream of Soviet Ape-Men

[All photos by Mari Bastashevski / Galerie Polaris]

IIn November 1926, Soviet biologist Ilya Ivanovich Ivanov travelled to the botanical gardens in Conakry, French Guinea, with his son and vials of human semen. A year earlier, Ivanov had received a grant from the Soviet Department of Scientific Institutions. His proposal: the artificial insemination of chimpanzees to create human-ape hybrids. Together, father and son oversaw the capture of thirteen chimps, three of which were inseminated in Conakry. No pregnancies followed, and ten of the chimps were sent to a new primate research centre in Sukhumi, Abkhazia, where Ivanov continued his experiments—this time inseminating human females with chimp sperm.

This story has left few artifacts: some pale manila folders, a story about a dog, an unfinished opera. The setting is the Institute of Experimental Pathology, now a complex of bullet-ridden buildings sitting on a hill above Sukhumi, a former Soviet holiday haven turned by war into a half-deserted political limbo. To get to the Institute, you walk up the weatherworn stairs leading to the top of the city. At its entrance is a stone monument, surrounded in a wide semicircle by rusted animal cages. The monument’s plaque reads: “Polio, yellow fever, typhus, encephalitis, smallpox, hepatitis and many other human diseases were eradicated thanks to tests on primates.”

One day two winters ago, I arrived at the Institute with photographer Mari Bastashevski. The few tourists who still visit Sukhumi do so in the summer, and we found ourselves in an empty park populated by cages and crumbling Soviet-era architecture. Cows had taken residence in many of the structures. Some of the buildings housed industrial equipment. In others, unused gas masks were scattered ankle-high over the floor. A blackened train wagon sat in a courtyard miles from the nearest railroad. And by the Institute’s main offices was a small building of concrete and glass, with dials and controls on its walls and sprinklers on the ceiling. It was green with moss. Weeds sprouted through the floor.

At the other end of the offices, there was a hollow building pocked with bullet holes. Shelling during Abkhazia’s brief, vicious war of secession 20 years ago had carved large chunks from its edges. Inside, there was equipment left over from the Soviet period: a metal chamber, its dials labelled with the names of gases; and a cross between a bar stool and a dentist’s chair, large enough to fit a human toddler, with a metal crank to raise and lower the backrest. There were thick metal doors visible from the outside, but the staircases were padlocked and sealed by a thin mesh rising from floor to ceiling.

The most surprising thing about this industrial wasteland is that it was still in use. On the second floor of the pockmarked building, locked cells housed the Institute’s research subjects. Stuck below the staircase, we heard cages rattling and the incessant wail of monkeys.

Ivanov created the mouse-rat, the cow-antelope and zebra-donkey. He created the zhorse.

Ilya Ivanov’s early research revolutionised artificial insemination. It allowed one stallion to fertilise up to five hundred mares—natural insemination allowed a maximum of thirty fertilisations. His later experiments were some of the earliest successes in interspecific hybridisation. Ivanov created the guinea pig-mouse and mouse-rat. He experimented with larger species, too, creating the cow-antelope and zebra-donkey. He created the zhorse, a combination of zebra (46 chromosomes) and horse (64 chromosomes). We can see why the idea of an apeman might have seemed plausible: humans have 46 chromosomes and chimps have 48.

Ivanov’s experiments had already gained notoriety in 1927, when a Paris-based Russian newspaper raged against his attempts to inseminate women with chimp sperm. This claim was widely disbelieved then—it would take decades before the more deviant aspects of Soviet ideology caught the West’s attention. But there are records of these experiments in Soviet archives, as well as Ivanov’s own notes, preserved in manila folders in the document stores of the Sukhumi Institute.

As two foreigners nosing around the Institute’s campus, Mari and I quickly attracted attention and found ourselves sitting at a large dark-wood desk across from Zurab Jakobsonovich Mikbabia, the Institute’s director. Dr. Mikbabia, a broad man with a curt, business-like manner, allowed us to interview him but remained wary of the recording device we placed in front of him. He kept his answers crisp and pointed. His desk sat in a large room decorated with photographs of the Institute’s luminaries and notable visitors. In the interview, he skimmed over details of Ivanov’s project, and as his secretary brought in tea and chocolates, he told us to make note of the Institute’s other achievements. To him, Ivanov is more of an origin myth than a legacy. “In any case,” he said, “it’s unclear how many of Ivanov’s experiments had succeeded.” Ivanov was keen to safeguard his methods and, Dr. Mikbabia told us, the Institute’s records of his work are incomplete.

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Photo by: Mari Bastashevski
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Photo by: Mari Bastashevski
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Photo by: Mari Bastashevski
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But it’s clear that by 1927, Ivanov had attracted attention. Particularly impressed was Nikolai Petrovich Gorbunov, a one-time secretary of Lenin, who had earlier helped secure funding for Ivanov’s experiments in Conakry. With Gorbunov’s help, Ivanov gained the support of the Society of Materialist Biologists. They would fund his experiments in Sukhumi, where Ivanov had already started working with chimps he had brought from Guinea. He needed female volunteers for the project. The women, Mikbabia told us, were found among local prisoners.

Interspecific hybridisation was seen to hold great potential. Animals that combined the strongest qualities of two species could become popular house pets. The Soviet media was keen to suggest that a new species, uniting human strength with the subservience and agility of an ape, could form a more obedient workforce, a stronger army. The Soviet Union was caught in a genetic manipulation mania, much to the amusement of one novelist—Bulgakov wrote of a canine that became a Soviet bureaucrat after being subject to a transplant of human testicles. The buildings on this hill above Sukhumi were to be the Soviet answer to Darwin’s insights, where chimeras were born and biology became another tool in the propagandist’s arsenal.

We can at least entertain the thought that Stalin, in his characteristic blend of utilitarianism and paranoia, would have considered building an army of apemen. But there’s another theory. In The Rabbit King of Russia (1939), Reginald Oliver Gilling Urch suggests that Ivanov’s plan was “to fertilize the apes by artificial methods and bring back the mothers with their little human apes to gladden the hearts of the anti-God Society in Soviet Russia and prove that ‘There is no God’.” Perhaps in gaining access to the powers of creation, Stalin was hoping to cement the Soviet Union’s passage into Darwinist anti-theism, and to bring down his only political rival, God.

If the subtropical haven started out as an ideological playground, it eventually came to support more sober research. The Institute helped cure polio and made significant advancements in the development of penicillin. In the Khrushchev era, visiting American scientists made the “Sukhumi model” a standard in Western primatology. And the institute prepped six monkeys for space travel, including Yerosha and Dryoma, who flew out for two weeks on Bion 7—Dryoma was later gifted to Fidel Castro. The institute was also renowned for its work in radiology. By 1959, radiation tests were performed on 232 baboons. A report from a conference held in Sukhumi at the end of October of that year confirmed that among mammals, primates were the closest to humans in terms of their responses to radiation poisoning. Within a week, they developed lesions and their production of white blood cells was inhibited, increasing the risk of infection. They bled profusely—the report states that the onset of the haemorrhagic syndrome followed a “stormy course with more serious symptoms than in other mammals.” Such experiments are said to have intensified after the Chernobyl incident, when Soviet scientists were particularly keen to explore the effects of radiation poisoning. They turned to Sukhumi, where the primate Institute worked with the nearby Physical-Technical Institute, now an alleged dumping ground for Russian radioactive waste, to irradiate primates and study the results. Relics abound. In one alcove, there was an abandoned controlled-atmosphere glove box. Walking around the Institute’s grounds, we had to avoid some doors—scribbled in the rust were words of caution left during the war: “WARNING, DO NOT ENTER! CANCER!”

Posing for a photograph in the pathology laboratory, Vladimir Spiridonovitch Barkaya, chief of the Institute’s Neuroscience Department, cautiously navigated a narrow gap between a flaking wall and a cracked window. The gap is small, and he was dispirited that every backdrop yielded proof of the laboratory’s dilapidated physical state. He finally settled on a place between two worktables, and corrected his lab coat. “Please take care when photographing,” he said, “we want people to see the good side of this institution. Many people come here looking to uncover conspiracies. We don’t want to give off that impression.” Then, standing timidly beside a yellowing laboratory centrifuge, he casually told us something that gave me pause.

Barkaya said he was approached in January 2010 by a middle-aged Muscovite who claimed he had found the cure for cancer. The man said that he had tested his medication on human volunteers diagnosed with osteosarcoma and malignant fibrous histiocytoma; his patients showed some progress but quickly regressed. The man wasn’t allowed to patent the medication in Russia, which he blamed on its “lousy ethical codes”, fierce competition, and corruption in Moscow’s scientific circles. Dr. Barkaya wouldn’t name the man or the substance—referring to it by an invented codename that sounded suspiciously like the English word “clusterfuck”—but he could hardly conceal his enthusiasm. He said that the Institute had accepted the medication and its initial tests had shown promising results.

Here’s the rub: the Institute is the only laboratory of its kind located in a region whose political status is in dispute. Abkhazia, which has been de facto independent from Georgia since the 1992-1993 war, is straddled between Russian influence and Georgia’s claims to territorial integrity. Entry into the region is granted via a paper application, scanned and sent to the gmail address of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Georgian-Abkhaz border is marked by the 870 metre-long Inguri Bridge, sealed off on both sides by concrete barriers pocked with bullet holes. The bridge is only crossable by foot or donkey-drawn cart, where the fellow passengers are old women huddled between Soviet-era furniture.

At the crossing, authority gradates from the lax—a Georgian police checkpoint and military outpost—to the unyielding—the Abkhaz border crossing, based in a repurposed container, where a Stakhanovite figure greets hopeful crossers with insults. That’s a tourist’s welcome to Abkhazia, a territory whose independence was recognised by Russia, Nauru, Venezuela and a handful of other states eager for rubles or perhaps a larger role on the international arena. The wider international community has been cautiously supportive of Georgia’s denial of Abkhaz independence. But the lack of steps in either direction has created a political and bureaucratic standoff, a side-effect of which is a lack of regulation. One outcome of this is a difficulty in finding funding from foreign investors—a considerable source of frustration for Dr. Mikbabia. The other consequence is the potential for unaccountable experimentation.

As the West grows uncomfortable with primate research, the temptation arises for less regulated research in places like Sukhumi.

Laboratories in the West have long used primates for a wide range of tests designed to replicate the effects that various stimuli have on humans. The most notorious of these subjected monkeys to physical and psychological stresses that would break any human—isolation, sleep deprivation, induced strokes, infection with HIV and other diseases. The growing public distaste for these experiments has led to the banning of testing on great apes in several countries. The National Institutes of Health in the United States suspended new grants for research using chimpanzees at the end of 2011. When Harvard announced two weeks ago that it is closing its primate research center—one of the nation’s oldest—officials cited increasing costs, but the lab had also faced high-profile animal welfare violations in the deaths of four monkeys in recent years. The research potential remains valuable, however, and as the developed world grows uncomfortable with primate research in its own backyard, the temptation might arise to embark on far less regulated research in places like Sukhumi.

Dr. Mikbabia said that the Institute had a number of international partners that provided a strong source of funding. He spoke of a group of German scientists from Leipzig who contacted the Institute through a Moscow intermediary, offering a generous grant in exchange for permission to conduct oncology and neuroscience research. Dr. Barkaya confirmed that scientists from Germany and the United States frequent the Institute, but he offered no details. I called and e-mailed, among others, primate researchers in Leipzig, but only one or two admitted to even knowing about the Sukhumi Institute. Either the scientists are unwilling to concede interest in working with an institute on the margins of the scientific world, or the Institute is exaggerating its partnerships in an effort to revive some residue of its scientific prestige.

At the beginning of the 1990s, a group of scientists from the Institute travelled to Ethiopia and brought back one hundred chimpanzees. They released them along with other monkeys from the Institute into a forest near Tumisi, a short drive from Sukhumi, to study them in a natural habitat. The area, a semitropical landscape of dense hills and valleys, is sealed off on all sides by a river. The monkeys quickly multiplied to five hundred and became, for a short while, something of a local menace. They stole mandarins from nearby properties. So did local militant groups, whose presence in the area was intensifying.

The first year of the Abkhaz-Georgian war, 1993, was said to be unusually cold. Temperatures dropped as low as -7 degrees Celsius. Crossing the Kodori Gorge, Georgian refugees followed cattle tracks in the snow. Many of them died of exposure. In Sukhumi, Abkhaz separatists had taken over parts of the Institute and used the buildings for storage and shelter—relics of their presence are scattered over the grounds to this day. The monkeys in captivity were severely affected. They began to shed hair, developed neurosis and died in numbers as high as fifty a day. During the war, employees of the Institute would risk their lives to bring food for the starving monkeys from their homes in the city.

“When the war ended,” Dr. Barkaya said, “we were left with a unique research opportunity: to study the effects of war and post-traumatic stress disorder on apes. No one had ever had an opportunity to conduct this kind of research.” They found that chimp mothers would grieve as much for their killed children as human mothers do. In some cases, the effects of the bombings and incessant shooting were more pronounced on monkeys than they were on people. Unlike us, Dr. Barkaya said, they couldn’t understand what was happening.

While the war fed new research subjects to an ailing institution, all attempts at finding the monkey colony failed. There were no remains, no bones. “It’s as if they vanished,” Dr. Mikbabia said. Some have suggested that retreating Georgian soldiers had taken the monkeys as trophies, or that they were shipped across the Black Sea and sold to businessmen in Sochi, where, incidentally, a rival research institute is based. In any case, efforts to find the colony are underfunded and the search has become a symbol of the institute’s—and Abkhazia’s—futile attempts at reclaiming a past that had disappeared with the fall of the Soviet Union.

Ivanov was summarily convicted of counterrevolutionary activity.

Like many a protégé of Stalinist ambitions, Ivanov heard a knock on his door one night in 1930. It was the secret police. They arrested him and drove him to a police station or prison, where he would have been interrogated. Ivanov was summarily convicted of counterrevolutionary activity and sentenced to exile in Kazakhstan. He died two years later, of a stroke, on the fifteenth anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution.

That same year, the Bolshoi commissioned an opera to celebrate the anniversary. Librettists Alexei Tolstoy and Alexander Starchakov teamed up with composer Dmitri Shostakovich to write “Orango”. In the then-unpublished opera, a French biologist inseminates a female chimp with human sperm. A Paris-based journalist discovers the project, and his article creates widespread uproar. But the biologist continues his work. One day, he learns that his chimp had given birth to a human child. Orango, the product of the fertilisation, grows up as and finds work in the newspaper that first exposed the experiments. He rises up the ranks, and eventually takes charge. His new position gives him considerable political and social influence. But his fierce anti-Communist views estrange him from society and the woman he loves, the biologist’s daughter—like her father, she had become a staunch Communist. Orango marries a Russian woman in Paris. But as his hatred for the working classes grows, he begins to regress into ape form. In his increasing isolation, he turns to the Catholic church, but is rejected by the Pope. At the end of the play, Orango’s metamorphosis into ape is complete, and his wife sells him to the circus. We see him one final time, caged and despondent, just before the curtains close.

El Celler de Can Roca: A Family Meal

Last night, a panel of journalists, chefs and restaurateurs comprising the San Pellegrino World’s 50 Best panel confirmed what seemed to me like a foregone conclusion after my first spectacular meal there three years ago: that El Celler de Can Roca is the world’s best restaurant. It’s not a shock by any stretch (after all, El Celler has held the number two slot on the list for the past two years), but now, life for the three Roca brothers and their restaurant is about to change in unfathomable ways as the collective gaze of the gastronomic world rains down on their tiny corner of Girona, 90 minutes north of Barcelona.

My first dinner there was, in fact, my first Serious Meal ever in Europe. And I’ll be back another day to write more about the spectacular, paradigm-shifting cooking they’re doing. But for now, if you’ll indulge me, I think I can tell you something about the brilliance of the place by talking about the other Roca restaurant in Girona.

My earliest memories are of the smells of my mother’s food. —Joan Roca

The day after the first dinner I ate at El Celler, on head chef Joan’s recommendation, I went to have lunch with his parents. The Can Roca that everyone in the culinary world is currently reading about, the Can Roca whose website crashed this morning and whose reservation lines will be tied up from here to infinity, began as a humble blue collar bar called Can Roca run by the Roca brothers’ parents, Josep and Montserrat. The three brothers, Joan (in charge of the savory side of the kitchen), Josep (one of the world’s greatest sommeliers, who lords over a 60,000 bottle cellar) and Jordi (the young pastry wizard), grew up in their parents’ restaurant, working in the kitchen, doing homework at the bar. “My earliest memories are of the smells of my mother’s food,” Joan told me back then, “of being by her elbow watching her cook the dishes she still cooks today.”

The restaurant that day was packed with old men knocking back the day’s news with glasses of Estrella Damn and local construction workers looking for gas to get them through the afternoon. I entered cautiously and slipped into a corner table. When Montserrat came by to take my order, I told her that I was a journalist writing a story about her sons and that I would love to ask her a few questions. She looked unimpressed, maybe even a touch annoyed. “I have a full dining room right now, so I can’t really talk.”

Instead of an interview, I had the menu of the day: an iceberg salad with olives, tomatoes and onions, a plate of fideuà (short pasta) studded with chunks of hot dog and a hunk of fresh cheese with honey drizzled over the top. Classic Catalan, and along with coffee, bread and a few glasses of red wine, it set me back exactly 4 percent of what I paid for their sons’ masterpiece meal the night before.

After my first meal with the Roca family…I knew something had changed.

It might be hard to imagine food as intellectual and genre-bending as the dishes that come out of the Can Roca kitchen being inspired by noodles with hot dogs and iceberg salads, but if you look hard enough, you can draw a straight line from Joan’s best dishes to the humble fare being cooked across the street at their parents’ restaurant. Mom makes an escalivada by slow-roasting peppers, eggplant and onions; son takes those roasted vegetables, purees them, turns them into spheres in an alginate bath, dehydrates them until their skins are wrinkled like real roast vegetables, then serves them encased in a dome of smoke. A high-wire act, to be sure, but Joan’s is the best escalivada you’ve ever had, modeled after the best he’s ever had—his mom’s. There’s a reason why every day at the strike of noon, the staff of 40 at the world’s best restaurant walk across the street and sit down to eat lunch at the original Can Roca.

After my first meals with the Roca family, as I sat on the steps of the cathedral in the old part of town and stared out across Catalunya, I knew something had changed. Three hours later, back in Barcelona, I met my future wife seated at a street corner café. Coincidence, sure, but in my mind, that meal and that moment will forever be linked.

I’ve been back to the sons’ Can Roca a few times since, including this past Friday. I wasn’t alone at the table this time, as I was the first time I ate there, fresh off a plane from the States. Quite the opposite; I ate with a group of 14 out-of-towners, all hoping to sneak in a meal before El Celler became the new media darling and we had to share the place with the rest of the world. The meal didn’t have the same jarring impact on me as the first one (after three years living and eating around Spain, how could it?), but it displayed that same stunning mixture of precision and controlled chaos, studied composition and envelope-pushing technique. There was a black olive gazpacho that tasted like the Mediterranean in a bowl, a mid-meal slab of white asparagus and black truffle ice cream that had grown men licking their plates, and a gently poached oyster bathed in a hollandaise made from various game birds that left every last diner grasping for some kind of explanation: “But…what…I mean…no way!”

It seemed fitting that my dining companions were Danes, as it would be the pride of Denmark, Copenhagen’s Noma, that would soon cede the top slot to the brothers from Girona. On our way out, I wished Joan luck and asked him if he thought they had a shot at being number one. He shook my hand, bowed his head gently, and said, “I just hope you guys had a nice meal.” And that’s exactly what he meant.

If you’re the type who cares about these things (and, for the record, though San Pellegrino may have gotten #1 right, the list itself is deeply flawed for more reasons than anyone cares to read about), you’ll read a lot about the Rocas and their Girona temple of wonders in the weeks and months to come. Some will talk about this being a victory for modernist cooking, a reassertion of Spain’s dominance in the 21st century haute cuisine canon. Some will call it a win for a country desperately in need of a morale boost. No doubt a few proud Catalans will use it as proof of the superiority of their beloved region. But try your best to tune it all out. Because at the heart of all of the hype to come, more than any cooking tale you’ve heard before, this is a story about Mom and Dad. This is a victory for them.

How a Country Drinks itself to Death

[From The Last Man in Russia: The Struggle to Save a Dying Nation, Oliver Bullough's new book on the roots of Russian decline]

Russians have always had a reputation for drinking. One of the first mentions of them in the historical record features their king rejecting Islam because of its prohibition on alcohol. The average Russian drinks three times the volume of spirits drunk by a German, and four times that of a Portuguese, and that’s only the official figures. No one has any idea how much self-distilled moonshine is drunk, but it must be a lot, for every traveler in Russia has a story about it.

I was once on an overnight train from St. Petersburg to Moscow. I had bought the cheapest ticket, and was one of eight passengers sitting bolt upright in a dingy compartment as the train crawled through a dark forest. We had all brought beer to drink, but the bottles were finished now, and lay littered around our feet. We were semi-drunk and morose, staring ahead at the gloomy outline of the person opposite.

The drinking went on until I passed out.

An old woman sitting by the window stood up, rummaged around in her bag on the luggage rack and brought forth a two-litre plastic bottle and a light-blue cup. Holding up the cup, she offered us all a drink. It was too dark to read, and I was too uncomfortable to sleep, so I agreed. So did everyone else. The cup went up her row of four passengers, crossed over to me and came back down our side. We each downed our share in a gulp, then breathed through our sleeves to take away the burn. The last man before the window passed the cup over the table and back to her, so she could pour out some more.

It tasted like white spirit, but the effect was spectacular, a rush of well-being to the back of the head. Conversation was kindled, and we became rowdier as the light-blue cup’s journey continued. Stopping once I had started was apparently not an option, and I got drunk very fast. It was a relief when I saw the old woman drink the last glassful. I had not disgraced myself. No one could say the foreigner had failed to keep pace. That was when she stood up again and reached to the luggage rack, whence she pulled down a jerry can.

She could barely manage it, and I could hear the liquid sloshing around inside. She rested it on the table and carefully filled the bottle up again before lifting the can back on to the shelf. There would be no escape. The drinking went on until I passed out.

Something like that happens every night on trains all over Russia. Done once, it is an amusing anecdote. Done daily and it is a disease, and it is killing the nation. Between 1940 and 1980, Russian consumption of all alcoholic drinks increased eightfold. The nation decided, apparently as one, to go on a huge zapoi, and the consequences have been disastrous.

Comparable countries for violent death are Angola, Burundi, Congo.

All across what is the Russian heartland, old Muscovy, the land where the Russians held out against the Mongols, Napoleon and Hitler, the picture is of destitution. Thousands of villages are empty. Thousands more are home to a handful of pensioners, and will be empty too within a couple of decades. Some towns have halved in population in twenty years. In 1950 – when Stalin was at his most erratic, when the country was still half destroyed by World War Two, when terrible sacrifices were being demanded from the population – births outnumbered deaths by 1.7 million.

In 2010, deaths outnumbered births by 240,000, and that was the best year for a couple of decades. In 1991, the country was home to 148.3 million people. In 2010, that number had fallen to 141.9 million. The Russian nation is shriveling away from within.

And it is not just that Russians are not being born. Russians are dying. The average Russian male born in 2010 was calculated to live less than sixty-three years. Russians of both sexes taken together are almost four times more likely to die of heart disease than a Western European, and more than five times more likely to be killed by an ‘external cause’ – murder, suicide, drowning, poisoning, car crashes. The comparable countries for violent death are Angola, Burundi, Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone.

Russia is not the only country afflicted with a falling population. In Italy and Germany, for example, the average couple has fewer than two children, which will inevitably lead to population decline. Western European women are reluctant to have as many children as their mothers.

The average Russian man will not live to get his pension.

Western Europe’s situation causes problems of its own, not least when it comes to affording the state pension system, since people are living longer thanks to improving healthcare and healthy living campaigns. The Russian situation is far more serious, however. It is driven by the death rate, and overwhelmingly by the death rate among working-age men. The average Russian man will not live to get his pension.

It is widely assumed that the drinking and the population crisis are a post-Soviet problem. It is true that the problem accelerated with the collapse of communism and the extreme economic dislocation that followed. Inflation wiped out pensions and savings, while factories closed and threw millions of people out of work. Russians drank to blot out the times they were living through. In truth, however, they were drinking before.

The years of the late 1950s and early 1960s when Nikita Khrushchev led the Soviet Union are little remembered today, but they were the high point of the state’s achievements and self-confidence. It was not only people in Moscow who believed the Soviet Union would surpass the West in production and living standards. People in the West worried it would too. This was the era when sputnik, Laika the dog and Yuri Gagarin blasted into orbit. Gary Powers in his U-2 spy plane was shot down over the Urals and it seemed even the most advanced American weapons were at the Russians’ mercy.

No one drinks themselves to death just because they can.

Armies of state employees controlled the production of ever greater volumes of steel and armaments, all checked by legions of statisticians. Soviet tanks stood poised on the borders of West Germany. Hungary’s attempt to throw off Moscow’s dominance in 1956 was ruthlessly crushed. The government could be forgiven for congratulating itself on its achievements. The future was red. Khrushchev, addressing Western ambassadors in 1956, showed his confidence and contempt with the phrase ‘we will bury you’. Soviet citizens would outlive their Western rivals, and would dig their graves for them.

It was an ironic boast because, if Khrushchev had been alert and well informed, he would have noticed a worrying trend. At or around the same time that Gagarin became the first man in space – a triumph Russians boast of to this day – the Russian nation began to die out.

For a start, Russian women stopped having enough babies to maintain the population. For a nation to sustain itself, the average woman must have around 2.1 children. From 1965, Russian women gave birth to fewer than that. And that was when Russians started to die younger too. In the early 1960s, the average Russian and the average Austrian both lived for about sixty-nine years. By 2005, the Austrian was living for an extra decade and a half, the Russian for four years fewer.

I could speculate about why Russians were drinking so much. I wondered if it was a simple function of availability. The Soviet Union produced vodka, so Russians drank it. But that is not a real answer. No one drinks themselves to death just because they can. When a whole population takes to the bottle, something far more serious must have happened. Perhaps Russians felt their destinies were out of their control. The country was stagnant and would remain that way for as long as anyone could predict. If tomorrow will be no better than today, why not enliven today by getting drunk?

The Man I Call Chacho

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Federico Motos Lajara was born October 3rd, 1930, six years before the Spanish Civil War, in a cave 140 kilometers east of Granada. He stands nearly 6 feet tall, with a wispy wheat stalk for a frame and smooth brown cheeks the belie a life spent under the Andalusian sun. He is a shepherd by trade, a bachelor by choice, and a cave dweller by both love and necessity. And in two months’ time, when I take Laura Pérez to be my lawful wedded wife, Chacho Federo will be my great uncle.

Laura is Catalan-Andaluz, born and raised near Barcelona, but with both sides of her family hailing from the south of Spain. Her father Angel was also born and raised in Fuente Nueva, a community that at its height in the 1950s and 60s had up to 500 people living as farmers, shepherds and craftsmen. Cave communities took root during Muslim rule in Andalusia, the northern Africans finding the Spanish terrain a perfect place to continue their long tradition of countryside cave dwelling. The habit stuck, and 500 years after the Moors were driven from Spain the caves remain, mainly because of a number of distinct physical advantages they provide: not only do they offer inexpensive, effective protection from the elements, they maintain an unexpectedly comfortable ambient temperature year round, taking the edge off the harsh winters and brutal summers that define this desert terrain.

My first trip to Fuente Nueva came in December of 2010, a far-reaching attempt to convince Laura and her family that I was serious about my commitment to this country. In three shorts days, I drank whisky with the local men, hung chorizo with the local women, and helped turn a pig into a year’s worth of charcuterie for strangers I wanted to desperately call my family. Since then, I’ve been fortunate enough to spend a few weeks out of each year with Laura’s people in the south, and gradually over this time, they’ve become my people, too. None more so than Chacho Federo.

The crumbling caves of Fuente Nueva

The crumbling caves of Fuente Nueva

With the exception of a military stint in Morocco, Chacho has spent his entire life in the caves of Fuente Nueva, working primarily as a goat herder and wheat farmer in the amber plains surrounding the caves. Back in those days, he would deliver his goods to local markets on the back of a horse or a donkey, clad in wool cardigans and flannel shirts and espadrilles before los hipsters were even a concept. Like everybody in Fuente Nueva, he doesn’t speak Spanish; he speaks Andaluz. On paper, they are the exact same language, but leaving the mouth of a native speaker, Andaluz sounds like another dialect entirely, one almost entirely free of consonants. It has taken three years of intense study and concentration, but I now proudly understand about 50 percent of what comes out of Chacho’s mouth. HA

I have learned a lot about life in the south from Chacho over the past few years. I have learned that the respectable hour to wake up is 5 am, before the sun has stirred, in order to turn those waning embers into a waxing fire to warm the morning. I have learned that in the lean post-war years in Fuente Nueva, suicide became an epidemic, and Chacho acted as a catcher in the rye of sorts, rescuing desperate women who had thrown themselves into community wells. I have learned that a man subsisting on a diet of chorizo, fried sardines and hand-rolled cigarettes can be healthier than any God-fearing, doctor-loving relative I have in the States.

But the first lesson I ever learned from Chacho, before the bar crawls and soil tilling and history lessons that would follow, was how to make migas. The word means crumbs in Spanish, and in most places throughout Spain, migas are about a second life, a way to turn abandoned bread into a meal soft and savory enough to sustain workers for the long afternoon ahead. It’s a campo creation, invented by the shepherds who would spend all day moving their goat and sheep from one swatch of land to the next. Migas across Spain abide by a general formula, but everywhere you turn you find local tweaks and adaptations. In La Mancha, migas come laced with garlic and peppered with pork fat; in Almeria, the base may start with coarse semolina instead of refined wheat, and the accompaniments will probably include a few varieties of small, oily fish.

In Fuente Nueva, migas have always been about four ingredients, the most elemental and abundant of all: flour, water, oil and salt. Chacho starts with a liter of water in a special migas pan, a heavy-bottomed iron vessel with an extra handle, the easier to control and transport the final product. When the water is hot, he adds flour, then salt, and later, little by little, warm ladles of olive oil.

Many times I’ve tried to take down a recipe, and many times I’ve been denied.

“How much oil, Chaco? How much salt?”

“Por ojo.” Eyeball it. There are no set ratios; Chacho’s migas are the product of 83 years of careful finesse.

Occasionally, after a glass or two of wine, he might offer up a few breadcrumbs of advice. “The most important thing is to work the dough as much as possible. You have to get the water out of it and cook the raw flour.” For that reason, migas demand a low, steady flame and constant stirring. And done Chacho’s way, they require just three tools: an iron spatula for cutting the dough, an iron spoon for turning it, and a wad of tobacco for smoking away the time it takes to turn raw flour into warm little dumplings.

Chacho with his favorite migas tool, a hand-rolled cigarette

Chacho with his favorite migas tool, a hand-rolled cigarette

In a world where women do 90 percent of the cooking and 100 percent of the cleaning, migas provide a rare chance for the hombres de Andalusia to earn their domestic keep. The men like to tell themsleves, as Chacho puts it, that migas take muscle—not just for the constant stirring required to break up larger chunks of dough into smaller and smaller pieces, but also to lift the entire pan into the air and flip the bulky mass of flour and water with the same push-pull action a chef might use to keep a pan of sautéed mushrooms in motion.

A veteran migas cook knows how to work the pan, how to coerce from that shapeless slurry of flour and water a golden mountain of perfect pebbles, blessed with an exalted balance of crisp exterior and moist interior. Done properly, a dollar worth of flour and oil can feed a family of 12 happily. The toppings that make the rounds —a mischievous mix of fried pork and salted sardines, orange slices and chocolate chunks—mean nothing if the migas don’t sing.

The eating ritual may be nearly as important as the methodic cooking. Once the women and children have their little piles placed before them, the men grab their spoons, gather around the pan and, not unlike the Valencianos to the north sitting down to a great circle of paella, begin to eat their way to the center. Little is said during these migas moments, most attention devoted instead to mixing the warm piles of dough with the right combination of salty, sweet, savory and spicy add-ons. Give me crispy nickels of spicy chorizo, a blanket of fried green pepper and a wedge of raw onion and you won’t hear a word from me until my spoon lands in the middle.

The only thing as inevitable as the cigarette and wine that precede migas is the afternoon siesta that follows it. On most days for Chacho, that means a little shuteye next to the fire in the living room. But on a warm afternoon, when the wind has died down and the entrance to the cave sparkles in the sunlight, Chacho might just stretch out under the big blue sky and sleep until dinnertime. War, drought, pestilence, Americans: he and his migas have survived it all.

One day, someone else will make the migas

One day, someone else will make the migas

Coffee Power to the People

Back to the future:  A mixture of New World and Old World coffee gear

Back to the future: A mixture of New World and Old World coffee gear. Photos by Asher Kohn

“A barista can only fuck it up.”

A bold statement surely, from someone who by the way pays his rent and buys his food with the money he makes pressing shots at an espresso bar. But as befitting the Dutchman who said it (Olivier Vos: buzzcut, with thick glasses, and a determined enthusiasm that would take apart a floor in order to fix loose grout), there is a tremendous amount of logic to what sounds initially like a blustery provocation. Coffee – even the finest, most confident, most edifying – is still just roasted beans and water. There are three young men in the Netherlands who want to take the barista, whom they see as a part-TEDx presenter, part-birthday magician, out of the equation. They want people to make their own coffee, and to make coffee they can be proud of.

Okay, so it might be a bit more complicated than that. The trio founded Koffie Leute calling themselves “personal assistants on the way to the perfect cup of coffee.” For them, the perfect cup is full of “slow coffee”, a liquid made with 21st century supply chains and 19th century patience. “It’s not just taste, but the experience of coffee,” says Olivier. Their coffee is ground fresh and by hand, put into a cup via V60 (a conical pour-over coffee filter used by most serious baristas these days), and ideally enjoyed over conversation (and maybe a cigarette, as Dirk, the most hirsute and least talkative of the bunch demonstrated often during our chat). “Espresso bars are espresso,” explains Olivier. “But Dutch history is just a good cup of coffee.”

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You see, the protagonist of the story of the Netherlands isn’t William of Orange, Johan Cruijff, or Vincent van Gogh. The story of the Netherlands is all about coffee. Joint-stock companies formed in coffeehouses brought coffee to East Indies plantations to sell the beans back to the coffee houses, creating the need for enormous banks, even bigger ports, and something to go better with a cup than the native endive. Chocolate and tobacco, Moluccans and Arubans, shipwrights and navigators, were all brought in to an empire and later a nation founded on coffee. This is not to say that it’s a heroic protagonist, and one of the greatest Dutch novels, Multatuli’s Max Havelaar, describes and decries the plantation economy. But until the 20th century, Dutch coffee was Dutch coffee: fresh ground, more brown then black, and enjoyed with friends.

The Dutch trio, giving coffee power back to the people

The Dutch trio. (From L to R: Martijn, Dirk, and Olivier)

So what changed? Olivier says that factory owners forced their workers to take shorter coffee breaks, driving the men towards instant coffee. It is more likely that the bombing of Rotterdam, the World War II occupation (and starvation), and the subsequent loss of the Royal Dutch colonies did as much to coffee culture as modernization. Coffee was no longer a Dutch right but a commodity to share with the rest of Europe. Though Koffie Leute is attempting to reject the commodification of coffee, they are sharp enough to realize that much of coffee’s history is best left in the past. Bringing an Old World coffee culture back to the city while embracing ethically-grown coffee is tricky. A question about the beans’ origins led to a short if impassioned soliloquy by Martijn, the lanky Frisian with a Skrillex haircut. “The roaster knows the plantation. People tend to forget that…do you know if the guy who sold these beans to you went to the farm to get these beans?”

The beans we shared when I met them were Colombian by way of a Danish roaster, and at events Koffie Leute sells beans that are, if not from friends, from friends-of-friends. They have their origin stories memorized and are always ready to share this knowledge. It’s what they believe separates them from the standoffish irony that coffee people are infamous for. Knowing the beans’ story, the equipment’s story, and the country’s story – along with the enthusiasm to launch into well-timed expository – demands a dedication to the craft that purveyors of quicker coffee usually don’t have.

Slow coffee is different, perhaps because it comes from beans. Most coffee comes from tins or from coffee-extruding machines, known in the Netherlands as a Senseo. Martijn explains this and his distaste for the latter is palpable. Palpable distaste is a familiar reaction if you’ve ever had Senseo coffee. “It’s easy to sell something faster, not to sell something better.” The highfalutin espresso machine is even stranger to him, a Rube Goldberg contraption full of bells and whistles that purports to make the best coffee but is most notable for needing a jockey. The barista.

“All these people go to the expensive espresso bar with a hipster, rockstar barista. That’s not what we do. We want people to relearn what was lost.” Martijn and his friends thought the first step in this reeducation was breaking down walls. Particularly, the one between the front and back of the counter. Koffie Leute doesn’t hand customers coffee, it hands them the beans. The customer then pours the beans into a hand-powered burr grinder, closes its hatch, and gives the thing a good minute of spin. Next up is a trip to a specially rigged table the Leute made in the backyard, where filters are wetted and placed in V60s, with a fresh cup waiting on the gravity end. A few steady pours later and the coffee is ready to drink. This takes time, yes. But so does the thousand-euro rig on a matte-black counter. And here, the coffee masters are guiding and chatting every step of the way.

The spare beauty of an antique grinder

The spare beauty of an antique grinder

The grinders are all gorgeous pieces of mid-century carpentry. The little wood boxes were all bought at yard sales or spirited away from friendly attics. Refurbished by the trio, the chests hide the blades deep inside like pearls. A few spins on the brass handle leave one with a box full of fresh coffee grounds. Koffie Leute’s hand-ground beans are set to be a bit coarser, the better to be used with the slow-funneling V60. Most importantly, the hand grind with its dramatically lower revolutions-per-minute prevents frictional heating, which “pre-heats” the beans and gives them a slight – but noticeable – microwave effect. As one can expect from machines with generations of on-and-off use grinding coffee, they smell and look fantastic.

Olivier talks of grandparents seeing the grinders and coming up to him, telling stories of how they used grinders like these to make coffee for their grandparents in foggy old days. He tells the story of a guy who walked towards their booth and paid to grind coffee beans and pour cups, giving away the coffee he made. At festivals people mill around for the smell, and then share cups with complete strangers. The magic of the beans and the beauty of the grinders make for a heady brew on their own, but Koffie Leute isn’t averse to a bit of stagecraft either. Set up on a beach, they heat their water supply by bonfire and supplied a music festival with electricity-free coffee.

“It’s a coffee counter without a bar. Just a table,” Dirk explains. “We are searching for something more creative and interactive. The baristas don’t share their knowledge. I noticed that when I talked to customers at a bar, they really enjoyed it. We want to use this customer curiosity for good.” There is an idealistic bent to this, Dirk admits, and Olivier adds that they make a point not to wear a special uniform so that they’re on the same level as the customers.

But they are still Dutch, and they are still practical. Coffee has always been an at-home tradition in the Netherlands; the first espresso bar in Utrecht, the country’s third-largest city, opened six years ago. The number has grown, but people still tend to make their morning cup at home and their afternoon’s at the office. It’s for this reason that Koffie Leute has partnered with Roast.nl to mail the roasted beans to peoples’ homes. Of course the Senseos make things simple, but they’re expensive and they confuse coffee with a coffee-like product. The trio may be lacking the capitalistic drive and its many million reasons to suffer through acidic sludge – Martijn chuckled at the thought, saying “it’s not a venture capital thing” – but to paraphrase a young Ewan McGregor, who needs reasons when you’ve got coffee?

Coarse grounds for a better brew

Coarse grounds for a better brew

When it finally makes it to the cup, the trio’s slow coffee is going to be much less hot than a Senseo’s near-boil, and far more complex. Different notes play out as the coffee can sit on the drinker’s tongue without fear of burning it. It’s almost an unfair trick after you start with better beans, super-freshly ground, but it is another way to set slow coffee apart as good coffee. Martijn jokes that most Dutch like their coffee super hot because it seems fresh, even though it’s only just “fresh from the machine.” The filter and fresh grind let the grinder influence the cup the most, and it makes more sense for Koffie Leute to let the drinker do the grinding. Olivier explains that it is a week after roasting when a coffee is at its best, that the flavors are at their peak. But after two weeks, the coffee is flat, without all the extras. “And that,” Olivier sighs, like a man after a search and rescue mission gone awry, “is a shame.”

All three bring a tinkerer’s inquisitiveness to the coffee equation; any mention of a way to improve – or even just mess with – a basic cup is considered. Martijn has logged hours in a roastery learning how to determine the beans’ flavor by color and sound of the roast. He thinks customer-roasting is the next step after customer-grinding. Reading about how starving Dutch thinned their coffee with chicory (a la New Orleans’ Café du Monde) during World War II, they are trying it out to see which beans the root tastes best with. When I mentioned Stockholm pour-over institution Drop Coffee’s focus on the water, tittering of approval and possibilities swept around the table. All avenues are welcome, save one. “Milk is just used to hide imperfections,” spits Olivier. “We don’t mind sugar – it is your coffee – but milk is frowned upon.”

Smelling the coffee

Smelling the coffee

So how is the coffee? It’s…different, of course. Brown more than black and without any sort of lemony scorch. Koffie Leute has a handmade flavor chart for their customers that ranges from knoflook (garlic) to teer (tar). Their focus is on the Spring side of the spectrum; notes of cilantro, anise, jasmine, and basil. It seemed so impossible that my first thought was “these guys have no idea what they are doing with their coffee.” After another few sips, though, I noticed that I was not just holding the mug in my hands to warm me up on this still-chilly March morning but rather resting it against my cheekbone—the easier to smell, the quicker to sip, and the more to immerse myself in the coffee. I then realized that these guys knew precisely what they were doing with their coffee. It’s the sort of coffee that makes traveling worthwhile; so cocky and comfortable in its own norm that I, initially disgusted, grow quickly to admire it. The next step is bragging to all my less-cool friends back home.

This coffee is not a “reinvention” of coffee. It’s a reminder of what coffee is, was, and, arguably, should be. As seen in Stockholm, Berlin, and Brooklyn the future of coffee is here, it just needs to be distributed a bit more evenly. It does not need packets, pipes, or a pulsating machine. It definitely does not need a sleeve-tatted, standoffish sort to abracadabra a wad of Euros into a cup behind a curtain wall. In fact, hand-ground, poured, and shared over a low table, the future of coffee looks an awful lot like its past.


Asher Kohn is a student currently brewing in The Netherlands. He is the editor of The Tuqay and can be found tweeting as @ajkhn. He usually writes about West and Central Asia, but he supposes that Utrecht is close enough.

For another look at the rise of coffee obsession, Strange Brew tells the story of the modern coffee movement as filtered through a very small, very serious coffee shop in Stockholm.

Maslenitsa: Russia’s Farewell to Winter

Maybe it’s premature to say goodbye to winter when snow and ice still cover the ground. Perhaps a party to welcome in spring seems like wishful thinking when the air still gnaws at your bones and a stroll outside requires all manner of fleece and fur for protection. But consider the circumstances: By mid-March, Russians have endured nearly five months of blistering winds, rampant snowfall, and brutally short days. And for the 150 million or so Orthodox Christians about to plunge headfirst into the meat-less, booze-less, joyless weeks of Lent, there’s an acute need to blow off some steam.

Maslenitsa is a holiday for Russians of all stripes, an open-air festival where an anxious population emerges from hibernation to eat, drink and prepare itself for bigger things to come. For nonbelievers, it’s a chance to shake off the winter doldrums and usher in the springtime (even if, like this year, winter shows no signs of going quietly); for Orthodox devotees, Maslenitsa is a time to steel themselves for the somber days of Lent that lie in wait.

We sent photographer Lily Idov right into the chattering teeth of Moscow’s Maslenitsa celebrations last week, where she found many of the pagan remnants that are staples of the weeklong festivities: pillow fights and snowball brawls, elaborate costumes and horn-blowing wolfmen, a giant bag of Russian winter words (“snow”, “flu”, “despair”) ready to be set aflame.

Most importantly (for us, at least), she found pancakes. At the heart of the Maslenitsa madness (also known by many as Pancake Week) is the blini, that warm, rich amalgamation of carbs and dairy, a pillowy delivery system for all manners of salty and sweet accompaniments. While most Russians enjoy their blini with classic companions like caviar, jams and chocolate, Idov hunted down one of Moscow’s great young chefs, Ivan Shishkin, to see how he treats the undisputed star of Maslenitsa. Though the week has passed and the winter pushes on, Shishkin’s genius play on the pancake is enough to warm even the most frigid soul. -Matt Goulding

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Black Blinis with Pike Roe

The pancake symbolizes many things for many people in Russia: a form of protection against evil; a circle of life and death and regeneration; the sun, which all but disappears in the months leading up to Maslenitsa. For Shishkin, more than anything, the blini represents a canvas. “I wanted to add some fish flavor to go with the roe sauce I pour over the top,” he says. “I was lucky when I got that charcoal color plus that nice squid ink flavor.”

Shishkin served this dish last week at Delicatessen and ButerBro, his duo of genre-pushing Moscow restaurants, plus at Dary Prirody, his silver bullet food truck found parked in Hermitage Garden. It may be a clever and visually striking twist on a classic, but as Idov sees it, these blinis have a deeper meaning. “Maslenitsa was also a time to ask deceased ancestors for a plentiful year. So Shishkin’s black blinis are quite appropriate.”

For the sauce
50 g pike roe (substitute with rainbow trout caviar if unavailable)
10 g minced red onion
70 g minced chive
25 g heavy cream
25 g creme fraiche

Place the red onion in a bowl of ice water and leave for 15 minutes. Strain and dry on a paper towel. Mix the onion with the remaining ingredients in a small bowl. Cover and keep in the fridge for 4 hours.

For the blinis
200 g all-purpose flour
20 g sugar
4 g salt
6 g baking powder
400 g whole milk
2 eggs, yolks separated from whites
4 Tbsp neutral oil, plus more for frying
1 Tbsp squid ink

Mix all dry ingredients in a bowl. In a separate mixing bowl, whisk together the yolks and the milk until uniform in color. Gradually add dry mixture, whisking until all is incorporated and no lumps remain. Add oil and mix.

In a separate bowl, whip the egg whites until they form soft peaks. Use a spatula to gently fold the whites into the batter. Stir in the squid ink, gently mixing until the batter is a uniform black color.

Heat a large buttered cast-iron skillet of nonstick pan over medium heat. Spoon a generous tablespoon of the blini mixture onto the surface, and turn the pan to coax the batter into 4-inch circles. Cook for a minute or two, until a solid surface forms, then flip and repeat.

Serve the warm blinis with a generous amount of the pike roe sauce on top.